Posted by Bharath Gopalaswamy, Martin Senn on May 25th, 2010
It is a great pleasure to host a discussion on Robert Schmucker’s and Markus Schiller’s (draft) paper “The DPRK Missile Show – A Comedy in (Currently) Eight Acts” on our blog! You can download the paper here and a brief CV of the authors here.
As you can see below, we are starting this online symposium with a summary of the paper’s conclusions and first comments/questions. Please feel free to join the discussion at any time!

Picture Source: Korea Times
x
“The DPRK Missile Show – A Comedy in (Currently) Eight Acts”
Summary of Conclusions (by Markus Schiller)
The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is generally assumed to have outstanding capabilities in the development and mass production of ballistic missile systems, especially in reverse engineering and improvement of existing systems. At a closer look it becomes obvious, though, that this common view is wrong.
Numerous independent indications add up to a consistent overall picture:
1) No other entity has ever successfully reverse engineered complex high tech systems with identical performance values.
2) Aside of its claimed successes with ballistic missile production, the DPRK has no noteworthy capabilities on any other field of technology.
3) The DPRK has at least seven different types of long range missiles available, with a total number of test flights that would have been insufficient even for development and production of one single missile type.
4) The high success rate of the DPRK’s few launches is a clear indication for foreign assistance.
5) Several “indigenous” missiles show clear characteristics of early Soviet missiles.
It is obvious that the DPRK acts only as a vendor for other entities. Indigenous missile capabilities are very limited, and it has no operational missiles available beyond 1 000 km range.
x
Comments and Questions
Jan Stupl, Postdoctoral Fellow at the Stanford Center for International Security and Cooperation:
General comment: The authors challenge what they believe is the common view about the North Korean missile programs. In order to make their critique more effective, I would propose to add references to their manuscript. I have seen them making their argument in presentations, so I know that they can provide evidence. However, for a person not familiar with the subject, the paper might appear like a list of unsupported claims, especially when similarities between North Korean missiles and lesser known Soviet/Russian are pointed out, e.g. the R-55. I am aware that many other papers in this field do not present evidence either, but this is a good opportunity to stand apart from the crowd. An appendix with collected evidence would make this paper much stronger.
Question 1: In my opinion, the authors draw a very convincing picture that there is a strong connection between Soviet and North Korean missiles. The absence of extensive testing and the striking similarities between North Korean and Soviet missiles basically exclude the scenario that North Korea started its program from scratch. However, for me the question remains whether it is more likely that North Korea is just redistributing systems which are shipped in from somewhere or whether there are production lines on North Korean soil.
One possible scenario could be that some time in the 1980s North Korea received massive help, maybe amounting to opening a “branch” of Soviet production facilities. Imagine an entire team including designers, precision engineers and skilled workers relocating to North Korea, bringing blue-prints, know-how and maybe machinery with them. They should have been able to install a production line for SCUD Bs in the matter of years or quicker, especially if they know where to get missing parts that for some reasons could not be produced on-site. As for the motivation: how about supporting the Iranians during the war, which for some reason was not possible to do from Soviet soil? The 1993 wannabe immigrants could have tried to join colleagues already in North Korea. As of now, this “branch” would be cut-off, has no longer access to lot of resources, but manages to produces some fireworks from time to time. Of course they would want to show progress, but cannot really start any serious program for lack of resources.
I would like to ask the authors whether they think such a scenario would be consistent with the facts they know. The answer probably depends on whether they think it is easier to hide the “transfer” of specialists, compared to the transfer of hundreds of missiles.
Question 2: The authors mention that Iran has gained some indigenous capabilities. Do they think that Iran has crossed the threshold to independent production of solid fuel missiles?
Ting Wang, Postdoctoral Associate at Cornell Unversity’s Peace Studies Program:
It might be interesting to compare Chinese missile development with DPRK’s projects, which is not underscored in the current paper. As China before 1980 is quite the same as the DPRK right now, same ideology, same industry capacity, same percentage of death for hungry. DPRK is doing what China did between 1960s-1970s.
China’s missile program started with the reverse engineering of Russian missiles (the DF-1 project). The honeymoon between China and USSR ended in early1960s, since then Chinese missile and nuclear program were totally indigenous. The Chinese missile and nuclear weapon program used much less tests than US and USSR did. Due to resource limitations, the Chinese tried their best to dig information from fewer tests
For a technical paper, references are necessary.